Limpopo King, KCee Acquires A Lekki Mansion To End A Good Year

Reports reaching me confirms that Five Star Music star artiste and limpopo king, KCeehas capped off a blistering year by acquiring a duplex in Chevy view estate, off Chevron drive, Lekki.
It is comfirmed that properties in this estate for a duplex is valued betwen N55 - N70million, it is undoubtably a good year for the music star... congrats KCee for this massive achievement.

BREAKING: ASUU Strike Is Over – ASUU Chairman confirms

ASUU Chairman, University of Lagos Chapter, Dr. Karo Ogbinaka told Channels Television that the union decided to suspend the strike after a marathon meeting held in Minna, Niger State capital on Monday.

In attendance at the meeting, which ran till late in the evening, were all the ASUU branch chairmen and secretaries, the national executive members of the body, coordinators and past leaders, including 56 members from 52 universities.

Dr. Ogbinaka said that, in line with procedures, the different chapters of ASUU would hold congress meetings on Wednesday to inform members and managements of the institutions of the latest development.

“We expect the students to resume and expect their members to go back to class immediately after the congress meeting and we expect the government to keep to the terms of the Memorandum of Understanding (MoU),” Dr. Ogninaka stated.

He said that the union and the government would hold meetings in 2014 to look at gray areas that may arise and come to a common ground.

The Federal Government and ASUU had reached a compromise during a negotiation brokered by the President of the Nigerian Labour Congress (NLC), Comrade Abdulwaheed Omar on Wednesday, December 11, which led to the signing of the MoU.

Speaking to journalists after the agreement with the government on Wednesday, the National President of ASUU, Dr. Nasir Isa Fagge, said that the union would consult with its National Executive Council and would intimate Nigerians of its decision on the strike within one week, expressing optimism that the outcome of the consultation would be positive.

It was gathered that the MoU addressed all the resolutions that the leadership of the ASUU and the Federal Government agreed to in their 13-hour meeting with President Jonathan on November 4, as well as their widely criticised fresh demands.

ASUU’s demands include the upward review of the retirement age for professors from 65 to 70; adequate funding to revitalise the university system; progressive increase of budgetary allocations to the education sector by 26%; transfer of Federal Government property to universities; setting up of research and development units by the companies; and renegotiation of the signed agreement.

The fresh demands include a non-victimisation clause, provision and deposit of N200 billion infrastructure revitalisation funds in an account with the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) details of disbursement of the funds and payment of salary arrears which has accrued to the teachers during the strike.

The Wednesday agreement between the two which is reportedly due for renegotiation in 2014 was reached barely 24 hours after the Special Assistant to the President on Public Affairs, Dr. Doyin Okupe presented a proof of payment of N200 billion into an account with the Central Bank of Nigeria.

Nigeria’s university lecturers have been on strike since July 1, 2013 to demand full implementation of the 2009 agreement it reached with the Federal Government on conditions of service for university lecturers, and funding of infrastructural development in Nigerian universities.

ASUU yet to call off strike

Journalists were on Monday, assaulted by some officials of the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU), while they were waiting for the outcome of  the Union’s  National Executive Committee, NEC, meeting holding at the Federal University of Technology,  in Minna.

The closed-door meeting which started at about 11:30am was still ongoing at press time.

However, there was disagreement among ASUU members over the presence of the media, some suggested the media should stay because they are doing their job, others persisted that “we did not invite them. When we need them, we will invite them.”

The Vice Chancellor, Federal University of Technology Minna, Prof. Musbau Akanji,  who got wind of the altercation between journalists and the ASUU officials,  intervened saying, “although, I am not a part of the meeting but I am apologizing on their behalf because they are in my territory.

“This place (FUT, Minna) is a Federal Government institution, and it is a public place that everybody, including journalists can enter, especially when they are doing their job.”

As at the time of filing this report, the strike has not been called of

Police nab Perm Sec, 7 others while performing rituals

ADO-EKITI — The Ekiti State Police Command has arrested eight persons, including a serving Permanent Secretary in Ondo State over the raid of a commercial bank in Ikere Ekiti last Thursday.

The Police Public Relations Officer, Mr. Victor Babayemi, who gave the hint in Ado-Ekiti, the state capital on Saturday, said the Permanent Secretary and others were arrested in a bush at Ijare, a border town between Ekiti and Ondo states.

The Branch Manager of the bank, Ikere was also reportedly arrested following the incident.

According to the police, the Permanent Secretary and three others were arrested while performing rituals at night in the bush through which the robbery bandits escaped.

The armed gang had stormed a first generation bank at about 5.30 p.m killing two persons and injuring two others during a gun battle with the men of the Special Anti-Robbery Squad.

The PPRO said the Permanent Secretary and the three others were arrested at about 3 a.m by the police.

Babayemi said the men were arrested with a live goat and other fetish materials, adding that they would have been mistaken for robbers.

“During the operation, we saw the Permanent Secretary and seven others in white apparel performing rituals, so we had to arrest them to explain their mission at the place at that unholy hour”.

The PPRO said those arrested are being interrogated with vital information being obtained.

STRIKE: ASUU’s political game and Nigeria’s university education

FOR the average Nigerian, it is always easy for the opposition political class to mislead him, saying that government has done nothing to improve his living condition. It is the same story for the average Nigerian non- governmental organisation, NGO. They thrive on criticising government, no matter how noble government’s actions are.

When in July 2013, the Academic Staff Union of Universities, ASUU, embarked on a nationwide strike, they naturally got the sympathy of the ordinary Nigerians, students and NGOs, inclusive. But most Nigerians failed to consider the fact that they started that strike without following due process. That is, giving the Federal Government adequate notice.

As the strike continued, some discerning Nigerians began to pick holes in the unwholesome practices of the ASUU National President, Dr Nasir Fagge and his leadership. All they did was to prolong the strike without listening to any word of reason. It was as if they were struggling to break the record on the longest lasting strike. Fagge bestrode negotiation rooms like a despot seeking who to damage. He was like a blind driver of a cement-laden truck heading for the centre of the market. Of course, his articulated truck appeared to have lost control, hence it could no longer be brought under any form of control.

In essence, ASUU grew beyond the Nigerian State and its representatives. It is needless to talk about the overwhelming support from the one-sided Nigerian mass media. They were led, like other members of the society, to believe that there was only one side to the story. Therefore, it looked as if the Federal Government was fully intimidated by ASUU negotiators and the media to accept everything that the lecturers brought to the table. ASUU brought no compromise to the table, but ASUU could do no wrong.

The scales fell off the eyes of the students first and they refused to be deceived by the posturing of ASUU. The President of National Association of Nigerian Students, Yinka Gbadebo shouted at the roof tops, alerting Nigerians of the inordinate game the ASUU national leadership was playing against Nigerian university education system. As expected, the opposition mobilised its media machine to shut him up.

Next was a media pressure group, Media Development Initiative, MDI, which raised alarm on the unconventional negative techniques adopted by ASUU to unduly prolong the strike. The Media Director of MDI, Mr Martins Onyilokwu urged Nigerians to rise up and challenge ASUU to respond positively to the good faith shown by the Federal Government. Of course, opposition paid hirelings controlling media outlets drowned the group’s words of reason.

After five months of rigmarole, ASUU has shocked the entire nation. The national leadership of the union has resolved to dishonour the decision reached by a referendum organised on whether or not the union should call off the strike. From what we heard, members voted 80percent to 20percent to call off the strike. To the dismay of Nigerians, a few hand-picked ASUU officials loyal to Dr Fagge met at his parent university, Bayero University Kano, where they resolved to take a decision that was alien to the generality of ASUU members. That is, give conditions to the Nigerian government in order to further prolong the strike.

As the issues stand today, ASUU should understand, as Bob Marley sang: you can fool some people sometimes, but you can’t fool all the people all the time. The truth travels slowly, but over time it overtakes propaganda and false stories. Those who always propagated the fallacy that ASUU does no wrong have seen clearly the present situation.

In every conflict situation, those in conflict agree to make compromises even as they continue fighting. By January, Syria and her rebels will hit the negotiating table. It does not mean any of the parties has been defeated. Agreeing to make compromises is not a sign of weakness. It is only a sign of courage. While the Federal Government continued back down on all its positions, ASUU remained rigid.

ASUU spurned all entreaties from the all levels of the Federal Government. President Goodluck Jonathan got personally involved and an agreement was reached with ASUU. This agreement was presented to ASUU members who supported President Jonathan. Now our brother, Fagge and his associates have brought another trick into this game, to destroy a process that went on smoothly, with government making all the required concessions.
Nigerians must begin to question the rationale behind ASUU’s games. What has ASUU brought to the table since the negotiations started? What positive changes should Nigerian students and parents expect from ASUU members who have been part of the academic rot that has bedevilled our country? Why should ASUU after reaching an agreement with the President resolve to throw up fresh issues to destabilise a nation full of expectations? Is ASUU above the national authority voted freely by the people to move the nation forward?

For those who play the ostrich, they have conveniently forgotten that Jonathan has developed the nation’s university sector more than ever before. Nigeria has 12 new universities up and running without ASUU’s distractions. Nine of these universities are in the North. One of them located in Jigawa State, is close to Kano where ASUU’s National President, Dr Fagge is plying his trade.

Even though ASUU continued to dance to opposition tunes, the Federal Government last week released over N90billion to universities, polytechnics and colleges of education for the development of infrastructure. This has nothing to do with the agreed N1.2trillion agreed by President Jonathan.

Now to the crux of the matter. The firm decision of the Jonathan administration to rescue the nation’s university system by re-opening the schools, especially the Federal Universities, is a welcome one. Remember, the state universities have no business being in this strike, but the usual ASUU technique of grounding the system by embarking on sympathy strikes.

PRESS RELEASE : Emulate Mandela, Stop The Crocodile Tears-Afenifere Tells Political Class

Afenifere is not impressed in any way with the hypocritical tears of the bad and ugly of Nigeria’s politics over the transition of the noblest African statesman of all seasons,Dr Nelson Mandela who passed on to immortality on Thursday at the age of 95.

Like the proverbial array of knives that surface the day the elephant falls,all manners of crooked politicians in Nigeria have churned out effusive praises and eulogies mostly crafted from hired pens on the life and times of the irrepressible spirit and worthy example to humanity who now resides among the ancestors.

Without knowing it these fellows have turned the “celebration” of Mandela to an open trial and self-conviction as all they throw up about the great Madiba are what they lack and the very reason why Nigeria lies prostrate at the intensive care unit of failed countries of the world .

We have seen how those who attempted to manipulate the constitution of the country to perpetuate their stay in office and those who annulled the freest and fairest election in the history of the country are celebrating Mandela as the great democratic spirit who refused to seek a second term in office which he was constitutionally entitled to do.

Those who require extra lives to serve jail terms for their economic crimes against the people if justice flows in Nigeria now laud Mandela for spending 27 years of his life in gaol for the only “crime” of seeking freedom for his people.

We are being reminded of the many sacrifices Mandela made to give humanity to the oppressed blacks of South Africa by power merchants whose preoccupation is making life miserable for their own people and selling them cheap to all manners of interests worse than apartheid .

We are being aroused to celebrate the man who set post-apartheid South Africa on a democratic lane by vote thieves and anti-democratic forces who have turned the electoral process to a “do-or-die” affair.

There is no gainsaying the fact that the Nigerian political class(crass!) are fouling Mandela funerals with their odiferous emissions as the world reflect on the passage of this great son of Africa.

Rather than intruding into the assembly of bonafide mourners ,our politicians should bury their heads in shame for lacking the character and conviction of Mandela to serve the people with selflessness ,their lack of integrity and moral force to effect change and their hedonist pursuits at the expense of the greatest good of the greatest majority which was the hallmark of Mandela’s public life .

They should close their eyes and imagine their own funerals and imagine how many genuine mourners would show up who were no contractors or political hangers-on.
Adieu the great Madiba ,may your tribe increase forever

STRIKE: ASUU Yet To Get Payment Alert For N200b FG Largesse

Three days after the federal government announced that it had paid the N200billion university infrastructure renewal fund into an account in the Central Bank of Nigeria, CBN, as demanded by the Academic Staff Union of Universities, ASUU, the union is yet to be formally notified of the payment.

Disclosing this on a television programme today, a Professor of Counselling and Psychology at the University of Lagos, Professor Ngozi Osaweren, said as at this morning, the federal government has not deemed it fit to formally communicate the payment of the money to ASUU.

The Professor said she made phone calls to the leadership of the union to find out if the government had officially notified the union of the payment, the reply was negative.

She accused the government of not being sincere, adding that the government should formally communicate the union on the payment of the money, if it was sure.

The university lecturer accused the government of berating ASUU and taking it for granted.

The ASUU President Dr. Nasir Fagge-Issa had in an interview asked the government to formally communicate to the union that the money had been paid in the CBN as demanded by the union. He predicated the suspension of the strike on government replying a letter written by ASUU to government on 25 November.

Also commenting on the issue, the Secretary of ASUU in Lagos State University, Comrade Adeyemi Suenu, described the purported payment as a gimmick, adding that government is just buying time by trying to paint the lecturers as the problem of the universities.

“The whole payment of N200 billion into CBN account is all gimmicks which the government has not been able to prove with a documented evidence.”

“If the government paid to CBN account, it should release the account number for the populace to see. Moreover, why should two parties be involved in an agreement and one party goes ahead to fulfil its part without the knowledge of the other,” he asked.

The Secretary said it is very important for Nigerians to understand this present government and the way it builds up sentiments without doing its responsibilities.

“We need to understand this government of deceit, they threatened to sack us if we don’t resume on the 4 December. Now it has been postponed to 9th of this month, one thing is certain, if FG does not fulfil its part of the agreement in the right and acceptable manner, ASUU will not betray the educational sector by calling off the strike without achieving anything.

“We have committed more than enough to this struggle to be cowed by sentiments, our position remains that government fulfil its part of the deal,” he declared.

Chairman, University of Lagos Chapter of the Academic Staff Union of Universities, ASUU, Dr. Karo Ogbinaka, has accused the supervising Minister of Education, Nyesom Wike, of incompetence in the handling of the Ministry.

Ogbinaka, in a chat with PMNEWS, in Lagos, western Nigeria, blamed the protracted industrial disputes by federal and state-owned universities on Wike’s inability to resolve the issues. The Philosophy lecturer flayed the Education Minister for leaking a letter by ASUU leadership on its demands to President Goodluck Jonathan to the press, without the latter seeing it first.

“We sent letter to the government through Wike and instead of forwarding the letter to the President, he leaked it to the press and started making all types of comments he could make in this world. We found in Wike somebody who talks and reasons later,” he said. Short of calling Mr. Wike’s action a blackmail, Ogbinaka said he misinformed the public that ASUU had made fresh demands as conditions for stopping the strike.

“I doubt if Wike has the patience to even read the documents presented to him and that is what has landed us in the situation we are in. If it was not for him, the ASUU strike was as good as resolved. Wike is clearly incapable by every standard,” Ogbinaka stated.

The ASUU chieftain faulted Wike’s retention in the Ministry of Education after the sack of Professor Rukayyat Rufa’i Akali, former Minister of Education.

He frowned at President Jonathan’s choice of Wike. “We understand what led to the removal of the former education minister, Professor Rukayyat Rufa’i and, if in a football match, the referee sacks your goalkeeper, what a reasonable coach would do is to sacrifice a player to bring in another goalkeeper. I think the President should have reshuffled his cabinet the moment key ministers were removed, but unfortunately he left Wike as supervising Minister of Education,” Ogbinaka said.

Meanwhile, Senior Presidential aide, Doyin Okupe, Wednesday, in Abuja, confirmed to journalists the proof of deposit of N200 billion into a designated Central Bank of Nigeria, CBN account. Okupe named the special account as “Revitalization of Universities Infrastructure Account,” with reference number FD/OAGF/220/ADC/1/4DF, while modalities on its proportional disbursements to the institutions were being worked out.

However, ASUU said it has not been officially notified.

But Ogbinaka assured that ASUU had resolved to call a National Executive Council, NEC, meeting to annul the strike once the government met its demands.

Inspector-General of Police orders adequate security in varsity campuses nationwide

The Inspector-General of Police, Mr Mohammed Abubakar, has ordered immediate provision of adequate security in and around university campuses nationwide.

This is contained in a statement issued by CSP Frank Mba, the Force Public Relations Officer, on Thursday in Abuja.

The statement said the measure was designed to secure life and property in the institutions and provide enabling environment for lecturers, students and other members of staff to go about their lawful businesses without hindrance.

“The directive is a proactive and confidence-boosting measure designed to ensure that nothing untoward happens in our academic communities,” it said.

The statement directed all Command Commissioners of Police to personally oversee the intensification of surveillance in universities in their states.

It ordered them to “take all necessary security measures needed to provide for the safety and security of members of staff and students as well as property within the various Campuses”.

It urged lecturers, students and Nigerians within the institutions to remain law-abiding and go about their legitimate businesses without fear of molestation or intimidation from any quarters.

It will be recalled that the Federal Government on Thursday gave universities lecturers, who had been on strike since July, one week ultimatum to resume academic activities.

Meanwhile, the I-G has urged officers and men of the force, who would be involved in the supplementary election in Anambra supplementary election on Saturday to remain steadfast.

He said they should be focused and neutral, as well as exhibit the highest level of professionalism.

He reassured the people of adequate security in the state during the election, promising that the force would continue to maintain optimal presence in Anambra till the end of the election.

The police boss called on the people to cooperate with the police and other security agencies in ensuring an atmosphere of peace and order throughout the election.

Abubakar also urged politicians, traditional rulers, and opinion leaders in the state to play by the rules and help in educating their followers on the need to allow INEC and other government agencies to conclude the election. (NAN)

STRIKE: Beg FG not ASUU – ASUU President tell Nigerians

Dr Nasir Fagge, National President, Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU), has urged Nigerians to prevail on the Federal Government to honour the agreement it signed with the union.

Fagge told the News Agency of Nigeria (NAN) on telephone in Lagos that Nigerians should stop appealing to the union to call off its strike.

Fagge stressed that rather than prevailing on ASUU to call off the strike, Nigerians should look at its demands and see their relevance to national development.

“Why is it that when issues like this come up, Nigerians will start begging ASUU to call off strike in the interest of the children and the country in general, rather than prevailing on government.

“I want to state here that we have a lot of respect and appreciate the concern of all Nigerians who have prevailed on ASUU to reconsider its stand and call off the strike.

“But sincerely, I think if people really care about this country and want to move it forward, they should refocus their thinking to government and prevail on them to implement the agreement and then we can start from there.

“The National Assembly had in the time past appealed to us to bend over and we did in the interest of the country– while negotiations lasted– but look at what is happening now!“ he said.

The ASUU president noted that when the union embarked on strike in 2011 over the same demands, the same appeal came from concerned Nigerians, with the assurance that the matter would be looked into urgently and its demands met.

He said that because of the need to respect the views of these Nigerians and to keep the system going, the union called off the strike and that, unfortunately, nothing was done about it.

“We shall no longer be coerced into calling off the strike and returning to classes because the last time we had such a strike was in 2011– when I was the Vice-President– and two years after, we have embarked on another strike over the same issue.

“I think as a nation, there is need for us to try and do the right thing by way of extracting commitment from our leaders because we cannot continue this way.

“Our system is getting bad every day to the extent that when we go out with our certificates, it no longer commands the respect it ought to, and that is why we must do all we could to re-engineer the system.

“You know that if products from our universities continue to study with little or non-existent infrastructure in place, as it is obtained today, they will fail to deliver and the entire responsibility falls back on our shoulders, “ Fagge said.

According to him, ASUU is committed to deliver on its mandate in order to produce students who are well equipped and see them contribute positively to national development.

He noted that it was on this premise that Nigerians must prevail on government to do the right thing once and for all.

“Everyone knows that our universities cannot compete, even with universities within Africa, let alone those in the larger world.

“Today, we witness brain drain from the system on the part of lecturers, thereby exporting values to other countries’ economy.

“We should ask ourselves why Nigerians before now did so well abroad in different fields of endeavour and these are products from the same system that currently produces graduates who are largely seen as unemployable.

“We must show commitment and be proactive in addressing the rot in our university system, so that at the end of the day, our products will be able to compete favourably with their counterparts in other climes, “ he said.

The ASUU boss then appealed to the Federal Government to implement the agreement in order for the country to move forward.

NAN reports that ASUU had on June 30, embarked on what it described as “total, comprehensive and indefinite strike“ in public universities across the country.

The lecturers were agitating the non-implementation of some sections of an agreement they entered into with the Federal Government in 2009.

Why I joined All Progressive Congress – Amaechi

PORT HARCOURT: GOVERNOR Chibuike Amaechi has said he joined the All Progressive Congress, APC because President Goodluck Jonathan failed to address issues raised by the G 7 governors.

Amaechi who spoke Wednesday at the Port Harcourt international airport, Omagwa assured that the APC would protect the interest of all Rivers state people, adding that the state had suffered untold neglect in the government of President Jonathan.

“Rivers State must know that for me to have taken that decision, I had looked at the general interests of Rivers people. I was not elected to lead Nigeria, I was elected to lead Rivers State and I had looked at the interests of Rivers people and have seen that these interests were not protected in PDP. I have seen the fact that we are losing our oil wells in Etche, in the Kalabari areas and that the more they continue to pilfer these oil wells, the more we will continue to lose our wealth”, he said

The governor who denied any face off with President Jonathan said he did not join the APC to spite the President but to further the interest of the state.

PDP’s loss, APC’s gain

JOHN ALECHENU examines the political implications of Tuesday’s defection by five aggrieved governors of the ruling Peoples Democratic Party to the All Progressives Congress on the PDP’s fortunes as the nation braces for the 2015 elections.

The civil war within the ruling Peoples Democratic Party boiled over on Tuesday when five out of the seven aggrieved governors and some of their followers carried out a threat to dump the party and pitch their tent with the opposition All Progressives Congress.

This decision, some analysts argue, has been long in coming because attempts to broker peace between President Goodluck Jonathan and the aggrieved PDP members since September were largely unsuccessful.

The five aggrieved governors who have defected are: Aliyu Wamakko (Sokoto); Rabiu Kwankwaso (Kano); Rotimi Amaechi (Rivers); Abdulfatah Ahmed (Kwara); and Murtala Nyako (Adamawa).

However, Governors Sule Lamido (Jigawa) and Babangida Aliyu (Niger) have for now, elected to remain within the PDP family.

Signs that the peace process would not succeed were made public by the Adamawa State governor, Murtala Nyako on November 12 when he pronounced the peace process “dead and buried.”

He was reacting to the suspension of the factional chairman of the party, Alhaji Kawu Baraje, its National Secretary, Prince Olagunsoye Oyinlola, National Vice Chairman Sam Jaja and a former National Vice Chairman (North-West), Senator Ibrahim Kazaure by the Alhaji Bamanga Tukur-led PDP.

He explained that the PDP under the leadership of Alhaji Bamanga Tukur shot itself in the foot by ignoring a legitimate court order to reinstate Oyinlola and taking actions which “killed and buried” the peace process.

Nyako, who spoke through his Director of Press and Public Affairs, Ahmad Sajoh, said he had always known that nothing good would come out of the discussions with a PDP where Tukur remained the national chairman.

He said, “We always knew there was no peace process. The peace process is dead and buried. The court had given them a soft landing but instead of obeying the court order, look at the step they have taken.

“It’s an ill wind that will blow nobody any good. We know that they are not committed to peace; Bamanga Tukur will lead this party to destruction.”

President Jonathan’s decision not to meet with them when he returned from the United Kingdom last Sunday and a charge by the Chairman, PDP Governors’ Forum Mr. Godswill Akpabio; daring them to leave the party barely 24 hours later, obliterated gains made during earlier meetings.

The decision to leave the PDP almost two years before the 2015 elections is considered by some observers as a gamble which has the capacity to go either way in favour of or against the interests of the governors concerned in particular, and the PDP in general.

Without doubt, this decision has far reaching implications for the fortunes of the ruling PDP especially in the North-West geo-political zone where three out of the seven aggrieved governors hold sway.

Governors Aliyu Wamakko (Sokoto), Alhaji Sule Lamido (Jigawa) and Musa Kwakwanso (Kano) who enjoys a considerable following may join forces with opposition elements in Zamfara, Katsina and Kebbi states, if things work in favour of the APC to give the PDP a fight for votes.

Statistics of the voting population released by the Independent National Electoral Commission after the voter registration exercise in 2011 show that a little over 73 million persons were registered.

Of this number, the North-West accounts for 18,900, 543 out of which Kano has 5,135, 415 and Jigawa has 1,852,698, Sokoto accounts for 2, 065,508 voters.

Kwara State accounts for 1,115,665 voters out of a total of 7,675,369 registered voters across the North-Central states.

Rivers State where Amaechi is governor accounts for 2,419,057 voters out of the 8,937,057 registered voters in the South-South geo-political zone.

These figures are likely to rise or fall depending on the number of deaths and the number of persons who will attain the voting age of 18 by 2015.

Pundits are of the view that the trio of Kwankwaso, Wammako and Lamido are critical to the survival of the PDP as a political force in the North-West.

Lamido and Kwakwanso for example, have been on the Nigerian political scene since the Second Republic.

During the aborted third republic for instance, Kwankwaso, who was Deputy Speaker of the House of Representatives, was elected governor of Kano State in 1999 but lost re-election in 2003 only to regain the seat in 2011.

On his part, Lamido was a pupil of the talakawa brand of politics championed by the late Mallam Aminu Kano, before emerging as National Secretary of the defunct SDP.

He, along with the likes of late Chief Solomon Lar and ex-Vice-President Alex Ekwueme were founding-fathers of the PDP.

He was appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs during Chief Olusegun Obasanjo’s first tenure (1999-2003).

Wamako was for the most part a civil servant before joining full time politics.

It may be recalled that a decision by the Bamanga Tukur-led PDP to suspend him backfired when the then North-West Vice-Chairman of the party, Ambassador Ibrahim Kazaure, led other zonal executives to dissociate themselves from the suspension.

The party was forced to swallow the humble pie when it lifted the suspension.

This singular act sent a message to some party supporters in the zone that some of their leaders were being victimized for holding opposing views.

Wamakko’s supporters across the zone joined their counterparts in Sokoto to welcome him back to the state capital after a trip abroad perhaps to demonstrate the level of acceptance he enjoys.

It is instructive to note that Wamakko’s political calculations have always included his political godson, the Speaker of the House of Representatives, Aminu Tambuwual.

Tambuwal has remained faithful to his benefactor as both of them were members of the then All Nigeria Peoples Party before defecting to the PDP.

New political re-alignments are expected to unfold within the coming days as members of the House of Representatives and senators are likely to rise up to be counted when push comes to shove.

As things stand, the majority enjoyed by the PDP in the Senate and House of Representatives will be substantially reduced if some of the legislators toe the line of their state governors.

In the House of Representatives for example, the PDP stands the risks of losing at least four key principal offices if some of their members join the APC.

Those whose positions come under immediate threat include: the deputy Speaker, Emeka Ihedioha; Majority leader, Mulikat Akande, Chief Whip, Ishaka Bawa; and deputy leader, Leo Ogor.

As at the last count, the opposition APC has 137 out of the 360 seats. The PDP and other smaller political parties such as the Labour Party, Accord and a faction of APGA account for the balance of 166.

The APC enjoyed a boost after the merger of opposition political parties such as the defunct ANPP, ACN, CPC and a faction of the APGA.

The PDP initially had 208 out of the 360 seats after the 2011 general elections, the internal crisis within the PDP paved the way for 57 out of this number to identify with the new PDP which has now identified with the APC.

If members of the new PDP were up to 100 like a leader of the outlawed new PDP once claimed, the number of APC members in the House could rise to 237 giving the party a clear majority.

The situation is different in the Senate where 20 senators earlier identified with the New PDP before the latest round of hostilities.

Unless something dramatic happens, the leadership structure in the Upper Legislative chamber will remain intact as even members of the opposition political parties have not had cause to complain.

At the national level, the race to occupy Aso Rock is likely to be fiercely contested for, although we no longer have a  monolithic north.

The real strength of each of the governors is likely to unfold as 2014 wears on.

A number of the aggrieved governors have been unable to conduct free, fair and credible polls in their states to provide a true test of their individual strengths.

Four zones: North-Central, North-East, South-West and South-South-have six states each. The South-East has five.

However, the North-West has seven. This, some pundits argue, can be a political advantage if gladiators in the region get their acts together.

Since politics is a game of interest as well as of numbers, in the unlikely event that the scenario of the 2011 presidential elections repeats itself, the PDP may as well rest assured that it will have its way in 2015.

Proponents of this theory argue that not much has changed since the second republic.

They argue that the fact that the Peoples Redemption Party held sway in the old Kano State and the Nigeria Peoples Party took charge of the South-East and the late Chief Obafemi Awolowo’s Unity Party of Nigeria held sway in the South-West and the old Bendel State; did not stop the National Party of Nigeria from clinching the Presidency.

Opponents however noted that times have changed. Irrespective of what individual interests exist, regional interests still play a key role in defining how the people vote.

Those who are conversant with politics in Nigeria contend that it is too early for anyone to rightly predict which political party will carry the day because for most politicians, real politics has just begun.

PDP’s loss, APC’s gain

JOHN ALECHENU examines the political implications of Tuesday’s defection by five aggrieved governors of the ruling Peoples Democratic Party to the All Progressives Congress on the PDP’s fortunes as the nation braces for the 2015 elections.

The civil war within the ruling Peoples Democratic Party boiled over on Tuesday when five out of the seven aggrieved governors and some of their followers carried out a threat to dump the party and pitch their tent with the opposition All Progressives Congress.

This decision, some analysts argue, has been long in coming because attempts to broker peace between President Goodluck Jonathan and the aggrieved PDP members since September were largely unsuccessful.

The five aggrieved governors who have defected are: Aliyu Wamakko (Sokoto); Rabiu Kwankwaso (Kano); Rotimi Amaechi (Rivers); Abdulfatah Ahmed (Kwara); and Murtala Nyako (Adamawa).

However, Governors Sule Lamido (Jigawa) and Babangida Aliyu (Niger) have for now, elected to remain within the PDP family.

Signs that the peace process would not succeed were made public by the Adamawa State governor, Murtala Nyako on November 12 when he pronounced the peace process “dead and buried.”

He was reacting to the suspension of the factional chairman of the party, Alhaji Kawu Baraje, its National Secretary, Prince Olagunsoye Oyinlola, National Vice Chairman Sam Jaja and a former National Vice Chairman (North-West), Senator Ibrahim Kazaure by the Alhaji Bamanga Tukur-led PDP.

He explained that the PDP under the leadership of Alhaji Bamanga Tukur shot itself in the foot by ignoring a legitimate court order to reinstate Oyinlola and taking actions which “killed and buried” the peace process.

Nyako, who spoke through his Director of Press and Public Affairs, Ahmad Sajoh, said he had always known that nothing good would come out of the discussions with a PDP where Tukur remained the national chairman.

He said, “We always knew there was no peace process. The peace process is dead and buried. The court had given them a soft landing but instead of obeying the court order, look at the step they have taken.

“It’s an ill wind that will blow nobody any good. We know that they are not committed to peace; Bamanga Tukur will lead this party to destruction.”

President Jonathan’s decision not to meet with them when he returned from the United Kingdom last Sunday and a charge by the Chairman, PDP Governors’ Forum Mr. Godswill Akpabio; daring them to leave the party barely 24 hours later, obliterated gains made during earlier meetings.

The decision to leave the PDP almost two years before the 2015 elections is considered by some observers as a gamble which has the capacity to go either way in favour of or against the interests of the governors concerned in particular, and the PDP in general.

Without doubt, this decision has far reaching implications for the fortunes of the ruling PDP especially in the North-West geo-political zone where three out of the seven aggrieved governors hold sway.

Governors Aliyu Wamakko (Sokoto), Alhaji Sule Lamido (Jigawa) and Musa Kwakwanso (Kano) who enjoys a considerable following may join forces with opposition elements in Zamfara, Katsina and Kebbi states, if things work in favour of the APC to give the PDP a fight for votes.

Statistics of the voting population released by the Independent National Electoral Commission after the voter registration exercise in 2011 show that a little over 73 million persons were registered.

Of this number, the North-West accounts for 18,900, 543 out of which Kano has 5,135, 415 and Jigawa has 1,852,698, Sokoto accounts for 2, 065,508 voters.

Kwara State accounts for 1,115,665 voters out of a total of 7,675,369 registered voters across the North-Central states.

Rivers State where Amaechi is governor accounts for 2,419,057 voters out of the 8,937,057 registered voters in the South-South geo-political zone.

These figures are likely to rise or fall depending on the number of deaths and the number of persons who will attain the voting age of 18 by 2015.

Pundits are of the view that the trio of Kwankwaso, Wammako and Lamido are critical to the survival of the PDP as a political force in the North-West.

Lamido and Kwakwanso for example, have been on the Nigerian political scene since the Second Republic.

During the aborted third republic for instance, Kwankwaso, who was Deputy Speaker of the House of Representatives, was elected governor of Kano State in 1999 but lost re-election in 2003 only to regain the seat in 2011.

On his part, Lamido was a pupil of the talakawa brand of politics championed by the late Mallam Aminu Kano, before emerging as National Secretary of the defunct SDP.

He, along with the likes of late Chief Solomon Lar and ex-Vice-President Alex Ekwueme were founding-fathers of the PDP.

He was appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs during Chief Olusegun Obasanjo’s first tenure (1999-2003).

Wamako was for the most part a civil servant before joining full time politics.

It may be recalled that a decision by the Bamanga Tukur-led PDP to suspend him backfired when the then North-West Vice-Chairman of the party, Ambassador Ibrahim Kazaure, led other zonal executives to dissociate themselves from the suspension.

The party was forced to swallow the humble pie when it lifted the suspension.

This singular act sent a message to some party supporters in the zone that some of their leaders were being victimized for holding opposing views.

Wamakko’s supporters across the zone joined their counterparts in Sokoto to welcome him back to the state capital after a trip abroad perhaps to demonstrate the level of acceptance he enjoys.

It is instructive to note that Wamakko’s political calculations have always included his political godson, the Speaker of the House of Representatives, Aminu Tambuwual.

Tambuwal has remained faithful to his benefactor as both of them were members of the then All Nigeria Peoples Party before defecting to the PDP.

New political re-alignments are expected to unfold within the coming days as members of the House of Representatives and senators are likely to rise up to be counted when push comes to shove.

As things stand, the majority enjoyed by the PDP in the Senate and House of Representatives will be substantially reduced if some of the legislators toe the line of their state governors.

In the House of Representatives for example, the PDP stands the risks of losing at least four key principal offices if some of their members join the APC.

Those whose positions come under immediate threat include: the deputy Speaker, Emeka Ihedioha; Majority leader, Mulikat Akande, Chief Whip, Ishaka Bawa; and deputy leader, Leo Ogor.

As at the last count, the opposition APC has 137 out of the 360 seats. The PDP and other smaller political parties such as the Labour Party, Accord and a faction of APGA account for the balance of 166.

The APC enjoyed a boost after the merger of opposition political parties such as the defunct ANPP, ACN, CPC and a faction of the APGA.

The PDP initially had 208 out of the 360 seats after the 2011 general elections, the internal crisis within the PDP paved the way for 57 out of this number to identify with the new PDP which has now identified with the APC.

If members of the new PDP were up to 100 like a leader of the outlawed new PDP once claimed, the number of APC members in the House could rise to 237 giving the party a clear majority.

The situation is different in the Senate where 20 senators earlier identified with the New PDP before the latest round of hostilities.

Unless something dramatic happens, the leadership structure in the Upper Legislative chamber will remain intact as even members of the opposition political parties have not had cause to complain.

At the national level, the race to occupy Aso Rock is likely to be fiercely contested for, although we no longer have a  monolithic north.

The real strength of each of the governors is likely to unfold as 2014 wears on.

A number of the aggrieved governors have been unable to conduct free, fair and credible polls in their states to provide a true test of their individual strengths.

Four zones: North-Central, North-East, South-West and South-South-have six states each. The South-East has five.

However, the North-West has seven. This, some pundits argue, can be a political advantage if gladiators in the region get their acts together.

Since politics is a game of interest as well as of numbers, in the unlikely event that the scenario of the 2011 presidential elections repeats itself, the PDP may as well rest assured that it will have its way in 2015.

Proponents of this theory argue that not much has changed since the second republic.

They argue that the fact that the Peoples Redemption Party held sway in the old Kano State and the Nigeria Peoples Party took charge of the South-East and the late Chief Obafemi Awolowo’s Unity Party of Nigeria held sway in the South-West and the old Bendel State; did not stop the National Party of Nigeria from clinching the Presidency.

Opponents however noted that times have changed. Irrespective of what individual interests exist, regional interests still play a key role in defining how the people vote.

Those who are conversant with politics in Nigeria contend that it is too early for anyone to rightly predict which political party will carry the day because for most politicians, real politics has just begun.

PDP’s loss, APC’s gain

JOHN ALECHENU examines the political implications of Tuesday’s defection by five aggrieved governors of the ruling Peoples Democratic Party to the All Progressives Congress on the PDP’s fortunes as the nation braces for the 2015 elections.

The civil war within the ruling Peoples Democratic Party boiled over on Tuesday when five out of the seven aggrieved governors and some of their followers carried out a threat to dump the party and pitch their tent with the opposition All Progressives Congress.

This decision, some analysts argue, has been long in coming because attempts to broker peace between President Goodluck Jonathan and the aggrieved PDP members since September were largely unsuccessful.

The five aggrieved governors who have defected are: Aliyu Wamakko (Sokoto); Rabiu Kwankwaso (Kano); Rotimi Amaechi (Rivers); Abdulfatah Ahmed (Kwara); and Murtala Nyako (Adamawa).

However, Governors Sule Lamido (Jigawa) and Babangida Aliyu (Niger) have for now, elected to remain within the PDP family.

Signs that the peace process would not succeed were made public by the Adamawa State governor, Murtala Nyako on November 12 when he pronounced the peace process “dead and buried.”

He was reacting to the suspension of the factional chairman of the party, Alhaji Kawu Baraje, its National Secretary, Prince Olagunsoye Oyinlola, National Vice Chairman Sam Jaja and a former National Vice Chairman (North-West), Senator Ibrahim Kazaure by the Alhaji Bamanga Tukur-led PDP.

He explained that the PDP under the leadership of Alhaji Bamanga Tukur shot itself in the foot by ignoring a legitimate court order to reinstate Oyinlola and taking actions which “killed and buried” the peace process.

Nyako, who spoke through his Director of Press and Public Affairs, Ahmad Sajoh, said he had always known that nothing good would come out of the discussions with a PDP where Tukur remained the national chairman.

He said, “We always knew there was no peace process. The peace process is dead and buried. The court had given them a soft landing but instead of obeying the court order, look at the step they have taken.

“It’s an ill wind that will blow nobody any good. We know that they are not committed to peace; Bamanga Tukur will lead this party to destruction.”

President Jonathan’s decision not to meet with them when he returned from the United Kingdom last Sunday and a charge by the Chairman, PDP Governors’ Forum Mr. Godswill Akpabio; daring them to leave the party barely 24 hours later, obliterated gains made during earlier meetings.

The decision to leave the PDP almost two years before the 2015 elections is considered by some observers as a gamble which has the capacity to go either way in favour of or against the interests of the governors concerned in particular, and the PDP in general.

Without doubt, this decision has far reaching implications for the fortunes of the ruling PDP especially in the North-West geo-political zone where three out of the seven aggrieved governors hold sway.

Governors Aliyu Wamakko (Sokoto), Alhaji Sule Lamido (Jigawa) and Musa Kwakwanso (Kano) who enjoys a considerable following may join forces with opposition elements in Zamfara, Katsina and Kebbi states, if things work in favour of the APC to give the PDP a fight for votes.

Statistics of the voting population released by the Independent National Electoral Commission after the voter registration exercise in 2011 show that a little over 73 million persons were registered.

Of this number, the North-West accounts for 18,900, 543 out of which Kano has 5,135, 415 and Jigawa has 1,852,698, Sokoto accounts for 2, 065,508 voters.

Kwara State accounts for 1,115,665 voters out of a total of 7,675,369 registered voters across the North-Central states.

Rivers State where Amaechi is governor accounts for 2,419,057 voters out of the 8,937,057 registered voters in the South-South geo-political zone.

These figures are likely to rise or fall depending on the number of deaths and the number of persons who will attain the voting age of 18 by 2015.

Pundits are of the view that the trio of Kwankwaso, Wammako and Lamido are critical to the survival of the PDP as a political force in the North-West.

Lamido and Kwakwanso for example, have been on the Nigerian political scene since the Second Republic.

During the aborted third republic for instance, Kwankwaso, who was Deputy Speaker of the House of Representatives, was elected governor of Kano State in 1999 but lost re-election in 2003 only to regain the seat in 2011.

On his part, Lamido was a pupil of the talakawa brand of politics championed by the late Mallam Aminu Kano, before emerging as National Secretary of the defunct SDP.

He, along with the likes of late Chief Solomon Lar and ex-Vice-President Alex Ekwueme were founding-fathers of the PDP.

He was appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs during Chief Olusegun Obasanjo’s first tenure (1999-2003).

Wamako was for the most part a civil servant before joining full time politics.

It may be recalled that a decision by the Bamanga Tukur-led PDP to suspend him backfired when the then North-West Vice-Chairman of the party, Ambassador Ibrahim Kazaure, led other zonal executives to dissociate themselves from the suspension.

The party was forced to swallow the humble pie when it lifted the suspension.

This singular act sent a message to some party supporters in the zone that some of their leaders were being victimized for holding opposing views.

Wamakko’s supporters across the zone joined their counterparts in Sokoto to welcome him back to the state capital after a trip abroad perhaps to demonstrate the level of acceptance he enjoys.

It is instructive to note that Wamakko’s political calculations have always included his political godson, the Speaker of the House of Representatives, Aminu Tambuwual.

Tambuwal has remained faithful to his benefactor as both of them were members of the then All Nigeria Peoples Party before defecting to the PDP.

New political re-alignments are expected to unfold within the coming days as members of the House of Representatives and senators are likely to rise up to be counted when push comes to shove.

As things stand, the majority enjoyed by the PDP in the Senate and House of Representatives will be substantially reduced if some of the legislators toe the line of their state governors.

In the House of Representatives for example, the PDP stands the risks of losing at least four key principal offices if some of their members join the APC.

Those whose positions come under immediate threat include: the deputy Speaker, Emeka Ihedioha; Majority leader, Mulikat Akande, Chief Whip, Ishaka Bawa; and deputy leader, Leo Ogor.

As at the last count, the opposition APC has 137 out of the 360 seats. The PDP and other smaller political parties such as the Labour Party, Accord and a faction of APGA account for the balance of 166.

The APC enjoyed a boost after the merger of opposition political parties such as the defunct ANPP, ACN, CPC and a faction of the APGA.

The PDP initially had 208 out of the 360 seats after the 2011 general elections, the internal crisis within the PDP paved the way for 57 out of this number to identify with the new PDP which has now identified with the APC.

If members of the new PDP were up to 100 like a leader of the outlawed new PDP once claimed, the number of APC members in the House could rise to 237 giving the party a clear majority.

The situation is different in the Senate where 20 senators earlier identified with the New PDP before the latest round of hostilities.

Unless something dramatic happens, the leadership structure in the Upper Legislative chamber will remain intact as even members of the opposition political parties have not had cause to complain.

At the national level, the race to occupy Aso Rock is likely to be fiercely contested for, although we no longer have a  monolithic north.

The real strength of each of the governors is likely to unfold as 2014 wears on.

A number of the aggrieved governors have been unable to conduct free, fair and credible polls in their states to provide a true test of their individual strengths.

Four zones: North-Central, North-East, South-West and South-South-have six states each. The South-East has five.

However, the North-West has seven. This, some pundits argue, can be a political advantage if gladiators in the region get their acts together.

Since politics is a game of interest as well as of numbers, in the unlikely event that the scenario of the 2011 presidential elections repeats itself, the PDP may as well rest assured that it will have its way in 2015.

Proponents of this theory argue that not much has changed since the second republic.

They argue that the fact that the Peoples Redemption Party held sway in the old Kano State and the Nigeria Peoples Party took charge of the South-East and the late Chief Obafemi Awolowo’s Unity Party of Nigeria held sway in the South-West and the old Bendel State; did not stop the National Party of Nigeria from clinching the Presidency.

Opponents however noted that times have changed. Irrespective of what individual interests exist, regional interests still play a key role in defining how the people vote.

Those who are conversant with politics in Nigeria contend that it is too early for anyone to rightly predict which political party will carry the day because for most politicians, real politics has just begun.

PDP’s loss, APC’s gain

JOHN ALECHENU examines the political implications of Tuesday’s defection by five aggrieved governors of the ruling Peoples Democratic Party to the All Progressives Congress on the PDP’s fortunes as the nation braces for the 2015 elections.

The civil war within the ruling Peoples Democratic Party boiled over on Tuesday when five out of the seven aggrieved governors and some of their followers carried out a threat to dump the party and pitch their tent with the opposition All Progressives Congress.

This decision, some analysts argue, has been long in coming because attempts to broker peace between President Goodluck Jonathan and the aggrieved PDP members since September were largely unsuccessful.

The five aggrieved governors who have defected are: Aliyu Wamakko (Sokoto); Rabiu Kwankwaso (Kano); Rotimi Amaechi (Rivers); Abdulfatah Ahmed (Kwara); and Murtala Nyako (Adamawa).

However, Governors Sule Lamido (Jigawa) and Babangida Aliyu (Niger) have for now, elected to remain within the PDP family.

Signs that the peace process would not succeed were made public by the Adamawa State governor, Murtala Nyako on November 12 when he pronounced the peace process “dead and buried.”

He was reacting to the suspension of the factional chairman of the party, Alhaji Kawu Baraje, its National Secretary, Prince Olagunsoye Oyinlola, National Vice Chairman Sam Jaja and a former National Vice Chairman (North-West), Senator Ibrahim Kazaure by the Alhaji Bamanga Tukur-led PDP.

He explained that the PDP under the leadership of Alhaji Bamanga Tukur shot itself in the foot by ignoring a legitimate court order to reinstate Oyinlola and taking actions which “killed and buried” the peace process.

Nyako, who spoke through his Director of Press and Public Affairs, Ahmad Sajoh, said he had always known that nothing good would come out of the discussions with a PDP where Tukur remained the national chairman.

He said, “We always knew there was no peace process. The peace process is dead and buried. The court had given them a soft landing but instead of obeying the court order, look at the step they have taken.

“It’s an ill wind that will blow nobody any good. We know that they are not committed to peace; Bamanga Tukur will lead this party to destruction.”

President Jonathan’s decision not to meet with them when he returned from the United Kingdom last Sunday and a charge by the Chairman, PDP Governors’ Forum Mr. Godswill Akpabio; daring them to leave the party barely 24 hours later, obliterated gains made during earlier meetings.

The decision to leave the PDP almost two years before the 2015 elections is considered by some observers as a gamble which has the capacity to go either way in favour of or against the interests of the governors concerned in particular, and the PDP in general.

Without doubt, this decision has far reaching implications for the fortunes of the ruling PDP especially in the North-West geo-political zone where three out of the seven aggrieved governors hold sway.

Governors Aliyu Wamakko (Sokoto), Alhaji Sule Lamido (Jigawa) and Musa Kwakwanso (Kano) who enjoys a considerable following may join forces with opposition elements in Zamfara, Katsina and Kebbi states, if things work in favour of the APC to give the PDP a fight for votes.

Statistics of the voting population released by the Independent National Electoral Commission after the voter registration exercise in 2011 show that a little over 73 million persons were registered.

Of this number, the North-West accounts for 18,900, 543 out of which Kano has 5,135, 415 and Jigawa has 1,852,698, Sokoto accounts for 2, 065,508 voters.

Kwara State accounts for 1,115,665 voters out of a total of 7,675,369 registered voters across the North-Central states.

Rivers State where Amaechi is governor accounts for 2,419,057 voters out of the 8,937,057 registered voters in the South-South geo-political zone.

These figures are likely to rise or fall depending on the number of deaths and the number of persons who will attain the voting age of 18 by 2015.

Pundits are of the view that the trio of Kwankwaso, Wammako and Lamido are critical to the survival of the PDP as a political force in the North-West.

Lamido and Kwakwanso for example, have been on the Nigerian political scene since the Second Republic.

During the aborted third republic for instance, Kwankwaso, who was Deputy Speaker of the House of Representatives, was elected governor of Kano State in 1999 but lost re-election in 2003 only to regain the seat in 2011.

On his part, Lamido was a pupil of the talakawa brand of politics championed by the late Mallam Aminu Kano, before emerging as National Secretary of the defunct SDP.

He, along with the likes of late Chief Solomon Lar and ex-Vice-President Alex Ekwueme were founding-fathers of the PDP.

He was appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs during Chief Olusegun Obasanjo’s first tenure (1999-2003).

Wamako was for the most part a civil servant before joining full time politics.

It may be recalled that a decision by the Bamanga Tukur-led PDP to suspend him backfired when the then North-West Vice-Chairman of the party, Ambassador Ibrahim Kazaure, led other zonal executives to dissociate themselves from the suspension.

The party was forced to swallow the humble pie when it lifted the suspension.

This singular act sent a message to some party supporters in the zone that some of their leaders were being victimized for holding opposing views.

Wamakko’s supporters across the zone joined their counterparts in Sokoto to welcome him back to the state capital after a trip abroad perhaps to demonstrate the level of acceptance he enjoys.

It is instructive to note that Wamakko’s political calculations have always included his political godson, the Speaker of the House of Representatives, Aminu Tambuwual.

Tambuwal has remained faithful to his benefactor as both of them were members of the then All Nigeria Peoples Party before defecting to the PDP.

New political re-alignments are expected to unfold within the coming days as members of the House of Representatives and senators are likely to rise up to be counted when push comes to shove.

As things stand, the majority enjoyed by the PDP in the Senate and House of Representatives will be substantially reduced if some of the legislators toe the line of their state governors.

In the House of Representatives for example, the PDP stands the risks of losing at least four key principal offices if some of their members join the APC.

Those whose positions come under immediate threat include: the deputy Speaker, Emeka Ihedioha; Majority leader, Mulikat Akande, Chief Whip, Ishaka Bawa; and deputy leader, Leo Ogor.

As at the last count, the opposition APC has 137 out of the 360 seats. The PDP and other smaller political parties such as the Labour Party, Accord and a faction of APGA account for the balance of 166.

The APC enjoyed a boost after the merger of opposition political parties such as the defunct ANPP, ACN, CPC and a faction of the APGA.

The PDP initially had 208 out of the 360 seats after the 2011 general elections, the internal crisis within the PDP paved the way for 57 out of this number to identify with the new PDP which has now identified with the APC.

If members of the new PDP were up to 100 like a leader of the outlawed new PDP once claimed, the number of APC members in the House could rise to 237 giving the party a clear majority.

The situation is different in the Senate where 20 senators earlier identified with the New PDP before the latest round of hostilities.

Unless something dramatic happens, the leadership structure in the Upper Legislative chamber will remain intact as even members of the opposition political parties have not had cause to complain.

At the national level, the race to occupy Aso Rock is likely to be fiercely contested for, although we no longer have a  monolithic north.

The real strength of each of the governors is likely to unfold as 2014 wears on.

A number of the aggrieved governors have been unable to conduct free, fair and credible polls in their states to provide a true test of their individual strengths.

Four zones: North-Central, North-East, South-West and South-South-have six states each. The South-East has five.

However, the North-West has seven. This, some pundits argue, can be a political advantage if gladiators in the region get their acts together.

Since politics is a game of interest as well as of numbers, in the unlikely event that the scenario of the 2011 presidential elections repeats itself, the PDP may as well rest assured that it will have its way in 2015.

Proponents of this theory argue that not much has changed since the second republic.

They argue that the fact that the Peoples Redemption Party held sway in the old Kano State and the Nigeria Peoples Party took charge of the South-East and the late Chief Obafemi Awolowo’s Unity Party of Nigeria held sway in the South-West and the old Bendel State; did not stop the National Party of Nigeria from clinching the Presidency.

Opponents however noted that times have changed. Irrespective of what individual interests exist, regional interests still play a key role in defining how the people vote.

Those who are conversant with politics in Nigeria contend that it is too early for anyone to rightly predict which political party will carry the day because for most politicians, real politics has just begun.

PDP’s loss, APC’s gain

JOHN ALECHENU examines the political implications of Tuesday’s defection by five aggrieved governors of the ruling Peoples Democratic Party to the All Progressives Congress on the PDP’s fortunes as the nation braces for the 2015 elections.

The civil war within the ruling Peoples Democratic Party boiled over on Tuesday when five out of the seven aggrieved governors and some of their followers carried out a threat to dump the party and pitch their tent with the opposition All Progressives Congress.

This decision, some analysts argue, has been long in coming because attempts to broker peace between President Goodluck Jonathan and the aggrieved PDP members since September were largely unsuccessful.

The five aggrieved governors who have defected are: Aliyu Wamakko (Sokoto); Rabiu Kwankwaso (Kano); Rotimi Amaechi (Rivers); Abdulfatah Ahmed (Kwara); and Murtala Nyako (Adamawa).

However, Governors Sule Lamido (Jigawa) and Babangida Aliyu (Niger) have for now, elected to remain within the PDP family.

Signs that the peace process would not succeed were made public by the Adamawa State governor, Murtala Nyako on November 12 when he pronounced the peace process “dead and buried.”

He was reacting to the suspension of the factional chairman of the party, Alhaji Kawu Baraje, its National Secretary, Prince Olagunsoye Oyinlola, National Vice Chairman Sam Jaja and a former National Vice Chairman (North-West), Senator Ibrahim Kazaure by the Alhaji Bamanga Tukur-led PDP.

He explained that the PDP under the leadership of Alhaji Bamanga Tukur shot itself in the foot by ignoring a legitimate court order to reinstate Oyinlola and taking actions which “killed and buried” the peace process.

Nyako, who spoke through his Director of Press and Public Affairs, Ahmad Sajoh, said he had always known that nothing good would come out of the discussions with a PDP where Tukur remained the national chairman.

He said, “We always knew there was no peace process. The peace process is dead and buried. The court had given them a soft landing but instead of obeying the court order, look at the step they have taken.

“It’s an ill wind that will blow nobody any good. We know that they are not committed to peace; Bamanga Tukur will lead this party to destruction.”

President Jonathan’s decision not to meet with them when he returned from the United Kingdom last Sunday and a charge by the Chairman, PDP Governors’ Forum Mr. Godswill Akpabio; daring them to leave the party barely 24 hours later, obliterated gains made during earlier meetings.

The decision to leave the PDP almost two years before the 2015 elections is considered by some observers as a gamble which has the capacity to go either way in favour of or against the interests of the governors concerned in particular, and the PDP in general.

Without doubt, this decision has far reaching implications for the fortunes of the ruling PDP especially in the North-West geo-political zone where three out of the seven aggrieved governors hold sway.

Governors Aliyu Wamakko (Sokoto), Alhaji Sule Lamido (Jigawa) and Musa Kwakwanso (Kano) who enjoys a considerable following may join forces with opposition elements in Zamfara, Katsina and Kebbi states, if things work in favour of the APC to give the PDP a fight for votes.

Statistics of the voting population released by the Independent National Electoral Commission after the voter registration exercise in 2011 show that a little over 73 million persons were registered.

Of this number, the North-West accounts for 18,900, 543 out of which Kano has 5,135, 415 and Jigawa has 1,852,698, Sokoto accounts for 2, 065,508 voters.

Kwara State accounts for 1,115,665 voters out of a total of 7,675,369 registered voters across the North-Central states.

Rivers State where Amaechi is governor accounts for 2,419,057 voters out of the 8,937,057 registered voters in the South-South geo-political zone.

These figures are likely to rise or fall depending on the number of deaths and the number of persons who will attain the voting age of 18 by 2015.

Pundits are of the view that the trio of Kwankwaso, Wammako and Lamido are critical to the survival of the PDP as a political force in the North-West.

Lamido and Kwakwanso for example, have been on the Nigerian political scene since the Second Republic.

During the aborted third republic for instance, Kwankwaso, who was Deputy Speaker of the House of Representatives, was elected governor of Kano State in 1999 but lost re-election in 2003 only to regain the seat in 2011.

On his part, Lamido was a pupil of the talakawa brand of politics championed by the late Mallam Aminu Kano, before emerging as National Secretary of the defunct SDP.

He, along with the likes of late Chief Solomon Lar and ex-Vice-President Alex Ekwueme were founding-fathers of the PDP.

He was appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs during Chief Olusegun Obasanjo’s first tenure (1999-2003).

Wamako was for the most part a civil servant before joining full time politics.

It may be recalled that a decision by the Bamanga Tukur-led PDP to suspend him backfired when the then North-West Vice-Chairman of the party, Ambassador Ibrahim Kazaure, led other zonal executives to dissociate themselves from the suspension.

The party was forced to swallow the humble pie when it lifted the suspension.

This singular act sent a message to some party supporters in the zone that some of their leaders were being victimized for holding opposing views.

Wamakko’s supporters across the zone joined their counterparts in Sokoto to welcome him back to the state capital after a trip abroad perhaps to demonstrate the level of acceptance he enjoys.

It is instructive to note that Wamakko’s political calculations have always included his political godson, the Speaker of the House of Representatives, Aminu Tambuwual.

Tambuwal has remained faithful to his benefactor as both of them were members of the then All Nigeria Peoples Party before defecting to the PDP.

New political re-alignments are expected to unfold within the coming days as members of the House of Representatives and senators are likely to rise up to be counted when push comes to shove.

As things stand, the majority enjoyed by the PDP in the Senate and House of Representatives will be substantially reduced if some of the legislators toe the line of their state governors.

In the House of Representatives for example, the PDP stands the risks of losing at least four key principal offices if some of their members join the APC.

Those whose positions come under immediate threat include: the deputy Speaker, Emeka Ihedioha; Majority leader, Mulikat Akande, Chief Whip, Ishaka Bawa; and deputy leader, Leo Ogor.

As at the last count, the opposition APC has 137 out of the 360 seats. The PDP and other smaller political parties such as the Labour Party, Accord and a faction of APGA account for the balance of 166.

The APC enjoyed a boost after the merger of opposition political parties such as the defunct ANPP, ACN, CPC and a faction of the APGA.

The PDP initially had 208 out of the 360 seats after the 2011 general elections, the internal crisis within the PDP paved the way for 57 out of this number to identify with the new PDP which has now identified with the APC.

If members of the new PDP were up to 100 like a leader of the outlawed new PDP once claimed, the number of APC members in the House could rise to 237 giving the party a clear majority.

The situation is different in the Senate where 20 senators earlier identified with the New PDP before the latest round of hostilities.

Unless something dramatic happens, the leadership structure in the Upper Legislative chamber will remain intact as even members of the opposition political parties have not had cause to complain.

At the national level, the race to occupy Aso Rock is likely to be fiercely contested for, although we no longer have a  monolithic north.

The real strength of each of the governors is likely to unfold as 2014 wears on.

A number of the aggrieved governors have been unable to conduct free, fair and credible polls in their states to provide a true test of their individual strengths.

Four zones: North-Central, North-East, South-West and South-South-have six states each. The South-East has five.

However, the North-West has seven. This, some pundits argue, can be a political advantage if gladiators in the region get their acts together.

Since politics is a game of interest as well as of numbers, in the unlikely event that the scenario of the 2011 presidential elections repeats itself, the PDP may as well rest assured that it will have its way in 2015.

Proponents of this theory argue that not much has changed since the second republic.

They argue that the fact that the Peoples Redemption Party held sway in the old Kano State and the Nigeria Peoples Party took charge of the South-East and the late Chief Obafemi Awolowo’s Unity Party of Nigeria held sway in the South-West and the old Bendel State; did not stop the National Party of Nigeria from clinching the Presidency.

Opponents however noted that times have changed. Irrespective of what individual interests exist, regional interests still play a key role in defining how the people vote.

Those who are conversant with politics in Nigeria contend that it is too early for anyone to rightly predict which political party will carry the day because for most politicians, real politics has just begun.

PDP’s loss, APC’s gain

JOHN ALECHENU examines the political implications of Tuesday’s defection by five aggrieved governors of the ruling Peoples Democratic Party to the All Progressives Congress on the PDP’s fortunes as the nation braces for the 2015 elections.

The civil war within the ruling Peoples Democratic Party boiled over on Tuesday when five out of the seven aggrieved governors and some of their followers carried out a threat to dump the party and pitch their tent with the opposition All Progressives Congress.

This decision, some analysts argue, has been long in coming because attempts to broker peace between President Goodluck Jonathan and the aggrieved PDP members since September were largely unsuccessful.

The five aggrieved governors who have defected are: Aliyu Wamakko (Sokoto); Rabiu Kwankwaso (Kano); Rotimi Amaechi (Rivers); Abdulfatah Ahmed (Kwara); and Murtala Nyako (Adamawa).

However, Governors Sule Lamido (Jigawa) and Babangida Aliyu (Niger) have for now, elected to remain within the PDP family.

Signs that the peace process would not succeed were made public by the Adamawa State governor, Murtala Nyako on November 12 when he pronounced the peace process “dead and buried.”

He was reacting to the suspension of the factional chairman of the party, Alhaji Kawu Baraje, its National Secretary, Prince Olagunsoye Oyinlola, National Vice Chairman Sam Jaja and a former National Vice Chairman (North-West), Senator Ibrahim Kazaure by the Alhaji Bamanga Tukur-led PDP.

He explained that the PDP under the leadership of Alhaji Bamanga Tukur shot itself in the foot by ignoring a legitimate court order to reinstate Oyinlola and taking actions which “killed and buried” the peace process.

Nyako, who spoke through his Director of Press and Public Affairs, Ahmad Sajoh, said he had always known that nothing good would come out of the discussions with a PDP where Tukur remained the national chairman.

He said, “We always knew there was no peace process. The peace process is dead and buried. The court had given them a soft landing but instead of obeying the court order, look at the step they have taken.

“It’s an ill wind that will blow nobody any good. We know that they are not committed to peace; Bamanga Tukur will lead this party to destruction.”

President Jonathan’s decision not to meet with them when he returned from the United Kingdom last Sunday and a charge by the Chairman, PDP Governors’ Forum Mr. Godswill Akpabio; daring them to leave the party barely 24 hours later, obliterated gains made during earlier meetings.

The decision to leave the PDP almost two years before the 2015 elections is considered by some observers as a gamble which has the capacity to go either way in favour of or against the interests of the governors concerned in particular, and the PDP in general.

Without doubt, this decision has far reaching implications for the fortunes of the ruling PDP especially in the North-West geo-political zone where three out of the seven aggrieved governors hold sway.

Governors Aliyu Wamakko (Sokoto), Alhaji Sule Lamido (Jigawa) and Musa Kwakwanso (Kano) who enjoys a considerable following may join forces with opposition elements in Zamfara, Katsina and Kebbi states, if things work in favour of the APC to give the PDP a fight for votes.

Statistics of the voting population released by the Independent National Electoral Commission after the voter registration exercise in 2011 show that a little over 73 million persons were registered.

Of this number, the North-West accounts for 18,900, 543 out of which Kano has 5,135, 415 and Jigawa has 1,852,698, Sokoto accounts for 2, 065,508 voters.

Kwara State accounts for 1,115,665 voters out of a total of 7,675,369 registered voters across the North-Central states.

Rivers State where Amaechi is governor accounts for 2,419,057 voters out of the 8,937,057 registered voters in the South-South geo-political zone.

These figures are likely to rise or fall depending on the number of deaths and the number of persons who will attain the voting age of 18 by 2015.

Pundits are of the view that the trio of Kwankwaso, Wammako and Lamido are critical to the survival of the PDP as a political force in the North-West.

Lamido and Kwakwanso for example, have been on the Nigerian political scene since the Second Republic.

During the aborted third republic for instance, Kwankwaso, who was Deputy Speaker of the House of Representatives, was elected governor of Kano State in 1999 but lost re-election in 2003 only to regain the seat in 2011.

On his part, Lamido was a pupil of the talakawa brand of politics championed by the late Mallam Aminu Kano, before emerging as National Secretary of the defunct SDP.

He, along with the likes of late Chief Solomon Lar and ex-Vice-President Alex Ekwueme were founding-fathers of the PDP.

He was appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs during Chief Olusegun Obasanjo’s first tenure (1999-2003).

Wamako was for the most part a civil servant before joining full time politics.

It may be recalled that a decision by the Bamanga Tukur-led PDP to suspend him backfired when the then North-West Vice-Chairman of the party, Ambassador Ibrahim Kazaure, led other zonal executives to dissociate themselves from the suspension.

The party was forced to swallow the humble pie when it lifted the suspension.

This singular act sent a message to some party supporters in the zone that some of their leaders were being victimized for holding opposing views.

Wamakko’s supporters across the zone joined their counterparts in Sokoto to welcome him back to the state capital after a trip abroad perhaps to demonstrate the level of acceptance he enjoys.

It is instructive to note that Wamakko’s political calculations have always included his political godson, the Speaker of the House of Representatives, Aminu Tambuwual.

Tambuwal has remained faithful to his benefactor as both of them were members of the then All Nigeria Peoples Party before defecting to the PDP.

New political re-alignments are expected to unfold within the coming days as members of the House of Representatives and senators are likely to rise up to be counted when push comes to shove.

As things stand, the majority enjoyed by the PDP in the Senate and House of Representatives will be substantially reduced if some of the legislators toe the line of their state governors.

In the House of Representatives for example, the PDP stands the risks of losing at least four key principal offices if some of their members join the APC.

Those whose positions come under immediate threat include: the deputy Speaker, Emeka Ihedioha; Majority leader, Mulikat Akande, Chief Whip, Ishaka Bawa; and deputy leader, Leo Ogor.

As at the last count, the opposition APC has 137 out of the 360 seats. The PDP and other smaller political parties such as the Labour Party, Accord and a faction of APGA account for the balance of 166.

The APC enjoyed a boost after the merger of opposition political parties such as the defunct ANPP, ACN, CPC and a faction of the APGA.

The PDP initially had 208 out of the 360 seats after the 2011 general elections, the internal crisis within the PDP paved the way for 57 out of this number to identify with the new PDP which has now identified with the APC.

If members of the new PDP were up to 100 like a leader of the outlawed new PDP once claimed, the number of APC members in the House could rise to 237 giving the party a clear majority.

The situation is different in the Senate where 20 senators earlier identified with the New PDP before the latest round of hostilities.

Unless something dramatic happens, the leadership structure in the Upper Legislative chamber will remain intact as even members of the opposition political parties have not had cause to complain.

At the national level, the race to occupy Aso Rock is likely to be fiercely contested for, although we no longer have a  monolithic north.

The real strength of each of the governors is likely to unfold as 2014 wears on.

A number of the aggrieved governors have been unable to conduct free, fair and credible polls in their states to provide a true test of their individual strengths.

Four zones: North-Central, North-East, South-West and South-South-have six states each. The South-East has five.

However, the North-West has seven. This, some pundits argue, can be a political advantage if gladiators in the region get their acts together.

Since politics is a game of interest as well as of numbers, in the unlikely event that the scenario of the 2011 presidential elections repeats itself, the PDP may as well rest assured that it will have its way in 2015.

Proponents of this theory argue that not much has changed since the second republic.

They argue that the fact that the Peoples Redemption Party held sway in the old Kano State and the Nigeria Peoples Party took charge of the South-East and the late Chief Obafemi Awolowo’s Unity Party of Nigeria held sway in the South-West and the old Bendel State; did not stop the National Party of Nigeria from clinching the Presidency.

Opponents however noted that times have changed. Irrespective of what individual interests exist, regional interests still play a key role in defining how the people vote.

Those who are conversant with politics in Nigeria contend that it is too early for anyone to rightly predict which political party will carry the day because for most politicians, real politics has just begun.

PDP’s loss, APC’s gain

JOHN ALECHENU examines the political implications of Tuesday’s defection by five aggrieved governors of the ruling Peoples Democratic Party to the All Progressives Congress on the PDP’s fortunes as the nation braces for the 2015 elections.

The civil war within the ruling Peoples Democratic Party boiled over on Tuesday when five out of the seven aggrieved governors and some of their followers carried out a threat to dump the party and pitch their tent with the opposition All Progressives Congress.

This decision, some analysts argue, has been long in coming because attempts to broker peace between President Goodluck Jonathan and the aggrieved PDP members since September were largely unsuccessful.

The five aggrieved governors who have defected are: Aliyu Wamakko (Sokoto); Rabiu Kwankwaso (Kano); Rotimi Amaechi (Rivers); Abdulfatah Ahmed (Kwara); and Murtala Nyako (Adamawa).

However, Governors Sule Lamido (Jigawa) and Babangida Aliyu (Niger) have for now, elected to remain within the PDP family.

Signs that the peace process would not succeed were made public by the Adamawa State governor, Murtala Nyako on November 12 when he pronounced the peace process “dead and buried.”

He was reacting to the suspension of the factional chairman of the party, Alhaji Kawu Baraje, its National Secretary, Prince Olagunsoye Oyinlola, National Vice Chairman Sam Jaja and a former National Vice Chairman (North-West), Senator Ibrahim Kazaure by the Alhaji Bamanga Tukur-led PDP.

He explained that the PDP under the leadership of Alhaji Bamanga Tukur shot itself in the foot by ignoring a legitimate court order to reinstate Oyinlola and taking actions which “killed and buried” the peace process.

Nyako, who spoke through his Director of Press and Public Affairs, Ahmad Sajoh, said he had always known that nothing good would come out of the discussions with a PDP where Tukur remained the national chairman.

He said, “We always knew there was no peace process. The peace process is dead and buried. The court had given them a soft landing but instead of obeying the court order, look at the step they have taken.

“It’s an ill wind that will blow nobody any good. We know that they are not committed to peace; Bamanga Tukur will lead this party to destruction.”

President Jonathan’s decision not to meet with them when he returned from the United Kingdom last Sunday and a charge by the Chairman, PDP Governors’ Forum Mr. Godswill Akpabio; daring them to leave the party barely 24 hours later, obliterated gains made during earlier meetings.

The decision to leave the PDP almost two years before the 2015 elections is considered by some observers as a gamble which has the capacity to go either way in favour of or against the interests of the governors concerned in particular, and the PDP in general.

Without doubt, this decision has far reaching implications for the fortunes of the ruling PDP especially in the North-West geo-political zone where three out of the seven aggrieved governors hold sway.

Governors Aliyu Wamakko (Sokoto), Alhaji Sule Lamido (Jigawa) and Musa Kwakwanso (Kano) who enjoys a considerable following may join forces with opposition elements in Zamfara, Katsina and Kebbi states, if things work in favour of the APC to give the PDP a fight for votes.

Statistics of the voting population released by the Independent National Electoral Commission after the voter registration exercise in 2011 show that a little over 73 million persons were registered.

Of this number, the North-West accounts for 18,900, 543 out of which Kano has 5,135, 415 and Jigawa has 1,852,698, Sokoto accounts for 2, 065,508 voters.

Kwara State accounts for 1,115,665 voters out of a total of 7,675,369 registered voters across the North-Central states.

Rivers State where Amaechi is governor accounts for 2,419,057 voters out of the 8,937,057 registered voters in the South-South geo-political zone.

These figures are likely to rise or fall depending on the number of deaths and the number of persons who will attain the voting age of 18 by 2015.

Pundits are of the view that the trio of Kwankwaso, Wammako and Lamido are critical to the survival of the PDP as a political force in the North-West.

Lamido and Kwakwanso for example, have been on the Nigerian political scene since the Second Republic.

During the aborted third republic for instance, Kwankwaso, who was Deputy Speaker of the House of Representatives, was elected governor of Kano State in 1999 but lost re-election in 2003 only to regain the seat in 2011.

On his part, Lamido was a pupil of the talakawa brand of politics championed by the late Mallam Aminu Kano, before emerging as National Secretary of the defunct SDP.

He, along with the likes of late Chief Solomon Lar and ex-Vice-President Alex Ekwueme were founding-fathers of the PDP.

He was appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs during Chief Olusegun Obasanjo’s first tenure (1999-2003).

Wamako was for the most part a civil servant before joining full time politics.

It may be recalled that a decision by the Bamanga Tukur-led PDP to suspend him backfired when the then North-West Vice-Chairman of the party, Ambassador Ibrahim Kazaure, led other zonal executives to dissociate themselves from the suspension.

The party was forced to swallow the humble pie when it lifted the suspension.

This singular act sent a message to some party supporters in the zone that some of their leaders were being victimized for holding opposing views.

Wamakko’s supporters across the zone joined their counterparts in Sokoto to welcome him back to the state capital after a trip abroad perhaps to demonstrate the level of acceptance he enjoys.

It is instructive to note that Wamakko’s political calculations have always included his political godson, the Speaker of the House of Representatives, Aminu Tambuwual.

Tambuwal has remained faithful to his benefactor as both of them were members of the then All Nigeria Peoples Party before defecting to the PDP.

New political re-alignments are expected to unfold within the coming days as members of the House of Representatives and senators are likely to rise up to be counted when push comes to shove.

As things stand, the majority enjoyed by the PDP in the Senate and House of Representatives will be substantially reduced if some of the legislators toe the line of their state governors.

In the House of Representatives for example, the PDP stands the risks of losing at least four key principal offices if some of their members join the APC.

Those whose positions come under immediate threat include: the deputy Speaker, Emeka Ihedioha; Majority leader, Mulikat Akande, Chief Whip, Ishaka Bawa; and deputy leader, Leo Ogor.

As at the last count, the opposition APC has 137 out of the 360 seats. The PDP and other smaller political parties such as the Labour Party, Accord and a faction of APGA account for the balance of 166.

The APC enjoyed a boost after the merger of opposition political parties such as the defunct ANPP, ACN, CPC and a faction of the APGA.

The PDP initially had 208 out of the 360 seats after the 2011 general elections, the internal crisis within the PDP paved the way for 57 out of this number to identify with the new PDP which has now identified with the APC.

If members of the new PDP were up to 100 like a leader of the outlawed new PDP once claimed, the number of APC members in the House could rise to 237 giving the party a clear majority.

The situation is different in the Senate where 20 senators earlier identified with the New PDP before the latest round of hostilities.

Unless something dramatic happens, the leadership structure in the Upper Legislative chamber will remain intact as even members of the opposition political parties have not had cause to complain.

At the national level, the race to occupy Aso Rock is likely to be fiercely contested for, although we no longer have a  monolithic north.

The real strength of each of the governors is likely to unfold as 2014 wears on.

A number of the aggrieved governors have been unable to conduct free, fair and credible polls in their states to provide a true test of their individual strengths.

Four zones: North-Central, North-East, South-West and South-South-have six states each. The South-East has five.

However, the North-West has seven. This, some pundits argue, can be a political advantage if gladiators in the region get their acts together.

Since politics is a game of interest as well as of numbers, in the unlikely event that the scenario of the 2011 presidential elections repeats itself, the PDP may as well rest assured that it will have its way in 2015.

Proponents of this theory argue that not much has changed since the second republic.

They argue that the fact that the Peoples Redemption Party held sway in the old Kano State and the Nigeria Peoples Party took charge of the South-East and the late Chief Obafemi Awolowo’s Unity Party of Nigeria held sway in the South-West and the old Bendel State; did not stop the National Party of Nigeria from clinching the Presidency.

Opponents however noted that times have changed. Irrespective of what individual interests exist, regional interests still play a key role in defining how the people vote.

Those who are conversant with politics in Nigeria contend that it is too early for anyone to rightly predict which political party will carry the day because for most politicians, real politics has just begun.